Election Integrity & Secretary of State Perceptions
Understand how voters perceive election administration, Secretary of State roles, and trust in electoral systems
Research group: 6 U.S. participants (ages 34–65) from urban and rural areas, including a Spanish-speaking non-citizen and respondents in states where the SoS does not run elections.
Respondents want a quiet, procedural steward; trust is conditional and centers on the system over the individual, averaging about 7/10 when the office stays non-performative.
They emphasize voter-verifiable paper ballots, risk-limiting audits, clear chain-of-custody, predictable certification timelines, and published metrics, and they trust county clerks and poll workers most.
“Easier, faster, accessible” promises are welcome only with concrete guardrails, pilots, authority-aligned plans, and vendor transparency-slogans, late changes, and black-box tech trigger suspicion.
On candidates, there is near-universal rejection of 2020 election denial; a narrow off-ramp exists only if a candidate explicitly accepts certified results and offers a lawful, nuts-and-bolts plan.
Main insights: Role clarity matters (in several states SoS is chiefly records/business), language access and privacy assurances build trust in urban Spanish-speaking communities, and a conservative subset pairs process safeguards with photo ID and limits on harvesting/mass mailouts.
Takeaways for decision-makers: Issue a “boring, stay-in-lane” pledge and a 90-day pre-election change freeze; launch a low-bandwidth transparency dashboard (wait times, rejection/cure rates, audit schedules/results) and publish redacted vendor contracts; standardize chain-of-custody, bipartisan observer rules, and routine RLAs; fund county staffing/training, rural access pilots, and Spanish-language materials and hotline.
Ashley Young
Rural North Carolina public safety admin, 34, single renter with a rescue dog. Faith-led, frugal, and dependable, she values durability, neighborly service, and clear communication. Decompresses with porch time, bluegrass, and crockpot cooking.
Clint Ferguson
Rural South Carolina, 56, divorced, no kids. Ex-utility engineering tech living simply on a low income in a paid-off home. Faith-driven, hands-on, privacy-minded, and budget-conscious. Prefers durable, repairable gear, clear pricing, and community ties.
Brenda Leblanc
Warm, practical school librarian in Corona, CA, age 65. Bikes to work, sings in church choir, loves books, gardens, and community. Values durability, clarity, and service; wary of hidden fees; nearing retirement yet energized by everyday wins.
Heather Rojas
39-year-old Dominican woman in New York City, Spanish-first, Catholic, and not in the labor force. Lives in church housing, zero household income, hyper-frugal, community-reliant, privacy-conscious, pursuing GED/ESL, values simple, trustworthy, Spanish-supp…
Karen Middleton
54-year-old rural Kansas operations manager. Married, no kids, practical and budget-minded. Hybrid remote work, community volunteer, gardens and quilts. Values durability, privacy, and evidence. Independent voter, road-trip traveler, methodical decision-mak…
James Hartley
Seasoned rural New Jersey cardiologist, 59, married with no children. Pragmatic, privacy-conscious, and community-minded. Values evidence, reliability, and time outdoors. Balances demanding clinical work with woodworking, fly-fishing, church, and deliberate…
Ashley Young
Rural North Carolina public safety admin, 34, single renter with a rescue dog. Faith-led, frugal, and dependable, she values durability, neighborly service, and clear communication. Decompresses with porch time, bluegrass, and crockpot cooking.
Clint Ferguson
Rural South Carolina, 56, divorced, no kids. Ex-utility engineering tech living simply on a low income in a paid-off home. Faith-driven, hands-on, privacy-minded, and budget-conscious. Prefers durable, repairable gear, clear pricing, and community ties.
Brenda Leblanc
Warm, practical school librarian in Corona, CA, age 65. Bikes to work, sings in church choir, loves books, gardens, and community. Values durability, clarity, and service; wary of hidden fees; nearing retirement yet energized by everyday wins.
Heather Rojas
39-year-old Dominican woman in New York City, Spanish-first, Catholic, and not in the labor force. Lives in church housing, zero household income, hyper-frugal, community-reliant, privacy-conscious, pursuing GED/ESL, values simple, trustworthy, Spanish-supp…
Karen Middleton
54-year-old rural Kansas operations manager. Married, no kids, practical and budget-minded. Hybrid remote work, community volunteer, gardens and quilts. Values durability, privacy, and evidence. Independent voter, road-trip traveler, methodical decision-mak…
James Hartley
Seasoned rural New Jersey cardiologist, 59, married with no children. Pragmatic, privacy-conscious, and community-minded. Values evidence, reliability, and time outdoors. Balances demanding clinical work with woodworking, fly-fishing, church, and deliberate…
Sex / Gender
Race / Ethnicity
Locale (Top)
Occupations (Top)
| Age bucket | Male count | Female count |
|---|
| Income bucket | Participants | US households |
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Summary
Themes
| Theme | Count | Example Participant | Example Quote |
|---|
Outliers
| Agent | Snippet | Reason |
|---|
Overview
Key Segments
| Segment | Attributes | Insight | Supporting Agents |
|---|---|---|---|
| Older, higher-income professionals |
|
Evaluate Secretaries of State by governance rigor: demand published metrics, vendor contracts and exit terms, routine audits, and aversion to performative politics. Trust increases with documented, repeatable procedures and visible accountability. | James Hartley, Brenda Leblanc, Karen Middleton |
| Rural, mid/low-income, locally focused |
|
Place higher trust in county clerks and poll workers; prioritize practical fixes for access (more poll workers, rural early‑vote sites, low‑bandwidth tracking) and expect role clarity when the SoS has limited authority over local election administration. | Ashley Young, Clint Ferguson, Karen Middleton |
| State-structure aware voters (SoS not running elections) |
|
Skeptical of campaign promises about 'fixing' voting; evaluate candidates on business/records performance (turnaround, fees, database quality) and expect communication that respects institutional limits. | Ashley Young, Clint Ferguson |
| Urban, Spanish-speaking, low-income, non-citizen |
|
Trust hinges on language access and explicit privacy assurances (no repurposing of immigration data). Preferences include bilingual local staff, Spanish materials, and concrete, written assurances-local poll workers are trusted more than distant officials. | Heather Rojas |
| Conservative-leaning, security-focused rural respondents |
|
Combine process demands (chain-of-custody, audits) with calls for prescriptive restrictions (photo ID, limits on mail voting/ballot harvesting). Security framing increases appetite for rules that constrain broad access methods unless paired with robust safeguards. | Clint Ferguson |
Shared Mindsets
| Trait | Signal | Agents |
|---|---|---|
| Voter-verifiable paper and audits as baseline | Nearly all respondents treat paper ballots, chain-of-custody, and post-election audits as fundamental integrity measures that materially increase trust in outcomes. | James Hartley, Karen Middleton, Brenda Leblanc, Clint Ferguson, Ashley Young, Heather Rojas |
| Trust the system over the person | Respondents consistently trust established processes and local administrators more than any single officeholder; 'boring' administration and procedural predictability are preferred over theatrical leadership. | James Hartley, Karen Middleton, Brenda Leblanc, Ashley Young |
| Demand for concrete implementation details | Pledges about access or improvement are judged on specifics-hours, staffing, pilot tests, freeze windows, and measurable outcomes-not slogans. | Brenda Leblanc, James Hartley, Karen Middleton, Heather Rojas |
| Role clarity and staying in-lane | Where institutional authority is limited, voters penalize grandstanding and instead expect candidates to commit to what the office can actually deliver. | Ashley Young, Clint Ferguson, Karen Middleton |
| Transparency and published performance metrics | There is strong appetite for dashboards and public data-wait times, rejection/cure rates, vendor contracts, and after-action reports-to convert promises into verifiable performance. | James Hartley, Karen Middleton, Brenda Leblanc |
Divergences
| Segment | Contrast | Agents |
|---|---|---|
| Urban Spanish-speaking non-citizen vs older professionals | Language access and immigration-data assurances are top trust levers for the urban Spanish-speaking respondent, whereas older professionals emphasize vendor transparency and institutional metrics. The former prioritize immediate, culturally competent service; the latter prioritize systemic governance safeguards. | Heather Rojas, James Hartley, Brenda Leblanc |
| Conservative security-focused rural vs process-first professionals | Conservative rural respondents combine process demands with prescriptive restrictions (photo ID, bans on certain mail practices). Process-first professionals focus more on audits, vendor transparency, and published metrics without endorsing restrictive access measures. | Clint Ferguson, Karen Middleton, James Hartley |
| State-structure aware voters vs campaign-oriented expectations | Voters from states where the SoS does not administer elections reject campaign promises about 'fixing' voting, preferring service/records metrics, while voters in other states may expect broader election-focused policy commitments from the office. | Ashley Young, Clint Ferguson |
Overview
Quick Wins (next 2–4 weeks)
| # | Action | Why | Owner | Effort | Impact |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Publish a "Boring Is Good" pledge + role clarity | Signals non-performative stewardship and staying in-lane; addresses immediate trust drivers and state-to-state authority differences. | Comms Lead + Policy Lead | Low | High |
| 2 | Spin up a lightweight Elections Metrics page | Public wait times, rejection/cure rates, and audit schedules convert promises into verifiable performance quickly. | Data Lead + Comms Lead | Med | High |
| 3 | Release a County Support Kit v1 | Templates for chain-of-custody, observer rules, training checklists help locals (whom voters trust most) execute consistently. | Ops Lead | Low | High |
| 4 | Spanish-language info pack and hotline hours | Meets explicit demand for language access and builds credibility with Spanish-speaking communities. | Community Partnerships Lead | Low | Med |
| 5 | Vendor transparency post | Publish current contracts (redacted) and procurement principles; addresses suspicion of black-box tech. | Legal/Procurement Lead | Med | Med |
| 6 | 90-day procedural change freeze policy | Directly counters the biggest trust-breaker: late rule changes; creates predictable timelines for counties. | Policy Lead | Low | High |
Initiatives (30–90 days)
| # | Initiative | Description | Owner | Timeline | Dependencies |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Elections Transparency Dashboard 1.0 | Build a public dashboard with wait times, rejection/cure rates, audit schedules/results, and incident logs; low-bandwidth friendly with CSV exports and an API for counties. | Product/Data Lead | 0–90 days (MVP in 45 days, full in 90) | Data-sharing agreements with counties, ETL pipeline and data QA, Comms for release cadence |
| 2 | Procedural Freeze + Governance Calendar | Codify a 90-day pre-election freeze on rule/procedure changes; publish a calendar for guidance, testing, L&A, and certification milestones. | Policy Lead | Policy draft in 2 weeks; live within 30 days | Legal review, Stakeholder sign-off (bipartisan), Website updates |
| 3 | Access-with-Guardrails County Pilot | Pilot extended hours, added poll workers, and low-bandwidth ballot tracking in 3 counties with paper-first and RLA commitments; publish before/after metrics and a scale plan. | Ops Lead + Partnerships Lead | Design 30 days; run 60–90 days; report within 14 days post-pilot | County MOUs, Pilot funding/stipends, Training curriculum |
| 4 | Bilingual Outreach and Translation QA | Standardize Spanish materials (FAQs, timelines, cure steps), recruit/train bilingual poll workers, and set a bilingual hotline window with scripts. | Community Partnerships Lead | Materials in 30 days; staffing and hotline in 60 days | Translation vendor + community reviewers, Hotline staffing, Comms coordination |
| 5 | Records/Business Service SLAs (non-election states) | For states where SoS doesn’t run elections, publish SLAs for business filings, notaries, UCC, and improve turnaround dashboards to match voter expectations. | Ops Lead + IT Lead | SLA draft in 30 days; dashboards in 60 days | Data instrumentation, Website modules, Process mapping |
| 6 | Observer + Audit Transparency Package | Standardize observer rules, chain-of-custody templates, and risk-limiting audit procedures with a commitment to post results within 14 days. | Policy Lead + Ops Lead | Guidance in 45 days; training in 60 days | Bipartisan/independent advisory input, County training schedule, Legal review |
KPIs to Track
| # | KPI | Definition | Target | Frequency |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Public Trust Index | Average reported trust in election administration on a 1–10 scale via monthly micro-surveys | +0.5 improvement from baseline; sustain ≥7.5 pre-election | Monthly |
| 2 | Dashboard Coverage | Share of counties publishing wait times, rejection/cure, and audit data to the dashboard/API | ≥50% of participating counties by 90 days; ≥75% by E-60 | Biweekly |
| 3 | Freeze Compliance | Percent of procedural updates issued ≥90 days before voting starts | 100% compliance | Per election cycle |
| 4 | Audit Transparency Timeliness | Percent of jurisdictions posting RLA reports within 14 days of certification | ≥95% | Per election |
| 5 | Language Access Coverage | Percent of top-traffic election pages, notices, and cure instructions available in Spanish with QA sign-off | 100% of top 20 pages/notices | Monthly |
| 6 | County Support Utilization | Counties adopting the toolkit (observer rules, chain-of-custody forms, training checklists) | ≥75% of target counties by E-60 | Monthly |
Risks & Mitigations
| # | Risk | Mitigation | Owner |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Perceived politicization or backlash from publishing metrics and audits | Use bipartisan validators, plain-language explanations, and consistent publication cadence; avoid partisan messaging. | Comms Lead |
| 2 | Data gaps/quality issues undermine credibility | Phase rollout, label data quality, implement QA checks, and provide CSV/API with schema docs; publish known limitations. | Data Lead |
| 3 | Overpromising beyond statutory authority | Explicit role clarity in all materials; coordinate with relevant boards/commissions; secure legal sign-off. | Policy Lead |
| 4 | County capacity constraints (staffing, funding) | Offer micro-grants/stipends, shared training, and ready-to-use templates; prioritize high-impact counties. | Ops Lead |
| 5 | Legal/contract constraints for vendor transparency | Redact sensitive terms; publish procurement principles and exit clauses; seek vendor consent where feasible. | Legal/Procurement Lead |
| 6 | Translation accuracy and community trust | Use community reviewers, back-translation, and bilingual hotline scripts; monitor feedback and iterate. | Community Partnerships Lead |
Timeline
- Pledge + role clarity, freeze policy, County Support Kit v1, Spanish pack v1, vendor transparency post
- Metrics page MVP with manual updates
30–60 days
- Dashboard MVP live; SLAs for records/business; observer/audit package drafted
- Bilingual hotline staffed; pilot counties contracted
60–90 days
- Pilot runs; publish interim metrics; audit training delivered
- Dashboard county onboarding push; refine data QA
E-90 to Election Day
- Procedural freeze in effect; weekly dashboard updates; RLA plan published
- Observer rules enforced; surge county support
Post-election (≤14 days)
- Publish RLA results and after-action report; update KPIs
Election Integrity & Secretary of State Perceptions: Synthesis and Actions
Objective and context: This qualitative study examined how voters perceive election administration, the Secretary of State’s (SoS) role, and trust in electoral systems. Across three lines of inquiry-core responsibilities and trust, “make voting easier” pledges, and candidates’ stances on 2020-respondents converged on a pragmatic, process-first mindset that favors predictable, transparent, and audited systems over personalities.
What voters expect from the SoS-and how trust is earned: The dominant view is a “quiet, administrative steward” who preserves integrity with predictable rules, accurate voter rolls, voter‑verifiable paper ballots, risk‑limiting audits, secure chain‑of‑custody, and clear certification timelines. Trust is conditional and system-oriented: people reported roughly “more‑than‑half” trust-often around 7/10-when the office stays procedural and non‑performative (James Hartley: “I trust the process more than the person… at a 7 or 8/10 if it’s quiet administration”). Trust collapses with grandstanding, last‑minute rule changes, opaque audits, or perceived partisan purges (Brenda Leblanc: “Keep elections clean and boring”). Notably, some highlight that in their state the SoS does not run elections (Ashley Young, Clint Ferguson), shifting evaluation toward records/business service metrics rather than election promises.
“Easier, faster, accessible” is welcomed-if paired with guardrails: Support rises when specifics replace slogans: voter‑verifiable paper, routine RLAs, explicit chain‑of‑custody, bipartisan/independent oversight, and published metrics (wait times, rejection/cure rates, audit results). Respondents want pilots, vendor transparency (publish contracts/exit terms), and a formal pre‑election procedural freeze (e.g., 90 days) to avoid late changes (Karen Middleton: “Paper first, audits always”). Accessibility priorities include extended hours, staffing-especially in rural areas-and language access (Heather Rojas: Spanish materials and a Spanish hotline), with one conservative-leaning respondent emphasizing photo ID and limits on ballot harvesting/mass mailouts (Clint Ferguson).
2020 denial is broadly disqualifying for this office: There was near‑universal rejection of SoS candidates who deny the 2020 results. Voters want a boring, competent steward who accepts certified outcomes and focuses on technical fixes (paper, RLAs, observers, logs). Some allow conditional reconsideration only if a candidate explicitly affirms the certified 2020 result and offers a detailed, lawful, nuts‑and‑bolts plan (Brenda Leblanc; Karen Middleton; Ashley Young).
Persona correlations and nuances:
- Older, higher‑income professionals: Prioritize governance rigor-published metrics, vendor transparency, RLAs, and aversion to performative politics (Hartley, Leblanc, Middleton).
- Rural, mid/low‑income: Trust county clerks/poll workers; want practical access fixes (more poll workers, rural early‑vote sites) and role clarity when SoS authority is limited (Young, Ferguson).
- State‑structure aware: In states where SoS doesn’t run elections, evaluate on records/business SLAs (turnaround, fees, data quality) and expect messaging that stays in lane (Young, Ferguson).
- Urban, Spanish‑speaking, non‑citizen: Trust hinges on Spanish materials, bilingual staff, and assurances that immigration data won’t be repurposed (Rojas).
- Conservative security‑focused: Support audits/chain‑of‑custody alongside prescriptive restrictions like photo ID and no mass mailouts (Ferguson).
Recommendations (actionable and evidence‑aligned):
- Adopt a public “Boring Is Good” stewardship pledge and explicit role clarity to deter grandstanding and align promises with authority.
- Launch an Elections Transparency Dashboard with wait times, rejection/cure rates, audit schedules/results, and incident logs; offer CSV/API access.
- Codify a 90‑day pre‑election procedural freeze; publish a governance calendar for guidance, testing, L&A, and certification milestones.
- Issue a County Support Kit: chain‑of‑custody templates, observer rules, training checklists; resource local admins whom voters already trust.
- Stand up bilingual materials and a Spanish hotline window; recruit/train bilingual poll workers; provide explicit privacy assurances.
- Publish redacted vendor contracts and procurement principles, including exit clauses.
- Where SoS doesn’t run elections, publish records/business SLAs and performance dashboards.
Risks and guardrails: To avoid politicization backlash, use bipartisan validators and consistent, plain‑language releases; phase data with QA and labeled limitations; never overpromise beyond statutory authority; address county capacity with micro‑grants/templates; manage vendor constraints via redactions and principle‑based transparency.
Next steps and measurement:
- 0–30 days: Publish pledge + role clarity; adopt freeze policy; release County Support Kit v1; Spanish info pack + hotline hours; vendor transparency post; metrics page MVP.
- 30–60 days: Go live with dashboard MVP; finalize observer/audit package; pilot county MOUs; records/business SLAs (where applicable).
- 60–90 days: Run access‑with‑guardrails pilots (extended hours, staffing, tracking paired with paper + RLAs); publish interim results; expand county onboarding and data QA.
- E‑90 to Election Day: Maintain freeze; weekly dashboard updates; publish RLA plans; surge county support.
- Post‑election (≤14 days): Publish RLA results and an after‑action report.
KPIs: Public Trust Index (target +0.5; sustain ≥7.5 pre‑election); Dashboard Coverage (≥50% counties by 90 days; ≥75% by E‑60); Freeze Compliance (100%); Audit Transparency Timeliness (≥95% within 14 days); Language Access Coverage (100% of top pages/notices in Spanish with QA).
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How much do you trust each of the following to uphold fair, lawful elections in your state? Please rate each. - State Secretary of State office - County/local election officials (clerks/boards) - Poll workers - Bipartisan canvassing/certification boards - State courts/judges - State legislature - Independent auditors/academic experts - Voting technology vendors - Federal election security agencies (e.g., CISA)matrix Maps trust across actors to target partnerships, oversight visibility, and messenger selection.
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In your state, who is primarily responsible for administering elections? - Secretary of State office - Bipartisan state election board/commission - County/local election offices - Governor’s office - State legislature - Not suresingle select Identifies role misperceptions to guide voter education and clarify accountability.
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After polls close, how many days are acceptable to finalize statewide results before your confidence begins to decrease? Please enter a number of days.numeric Sets timelines for result communications and expectation management.
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Which policies would most increase your confidence in elections? Select the most and least helpful in each set. - Voter-verifiable paper ballots for all votes - Routine risk-limiting audits after every election - Public pre-election logic and accuracy testing of equipment - Published chain-of-custody logs for ballots and media - Signature verification with a clear cure process - Expanded early voting hours and locations - Staffed, camera-monitored ballot drop boxes with logs - Real-time reportin...maxdiff Prioritizes policy roadmap by isolating the highest-confidence drivers.
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Which sources or formats would you actually use to verify election information or integrity updates? Select all that apply. - State Secretary of State website/dashboard - County election website - Mailed voter information guide - Public audit reports - Live streams or observer cameras of counting - Text/email alerts from election offices - Local TV/radio news - Social media accounts of election offices - In-person town halls or briefingsmulti select Directs channel mix and format investment for transparency efforts.
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During an election-day disruption (e.g., equipment outage), which communication elements would most restore your confidence? Rank from most to least helpful. - Immediate acknowledgment of the issue - Plain-language explanation of scope and impact - Expected timeline to resolve - Confirmation that ballots remain secure (chain-of-custody status) - Independent third-party validation or audit - Clear steps taken to prevent recurrence - Guidance for affected voters on next stepsrank Informs crisis communications playbook and sequencing during incidents.
Research group: 6 U.S. participants (ages 34–65) from urban and rural areas, including a Spanish-speaking non-citizen and respondents in states where the SoS does not run elections.
Respondents want a quiet, procedural steward; trust is conditional and centers on the system over the individual, averaging about 7/10 when the office stays non-performative.
They emphasize voter-verifiable paper ballots, risk-limiting audits, clear chain-of-custody, predictable certification timelines, and published metrics, and they trust county clerks and poll workers most.
“Easier, faster, accessible” promises are welcome only with concrete guardrails, pilots, authority-aligned plans, and vendor transparency-slogans, late changes, and black-box tech trigger suspicion.
On candidates, there is near-universal rejection of 2020 election denial; a narrow off-ramp exists only if a candidate explicitly accepts certified results and offers a lawful, nuts-and-bolts plan.
Main insights: Role clarity matters (in several states SoS is chiefly records/business), language access and privacy assurances build trust in urban Spanish-speaking communities, and a conservative subset pairs process safeguards with photo ID and limits on harvesting/mass mailouts.
Takeaways for decision-makers: Issue a “boring, stay-in-lane” pledge and a 90-day pre-election change freeze; launch a low-bandwidth transparency dashboard (wait times, rejection/cure rates, audit schedules/results) and publish redacted vendor contracts; standardize chain-of-custody, bipartisan observer rules, and routine RLAs; fund county staffing/training, rural access pilots, and Spanish-language materials and hotline.
| Name | Response | Info |
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